FULL PAPER IS TEMPORARILY AVAILABLE ON ACADEMIA.EDU HERE
With the “forced labor in Xinjiang” narrative long coalescing around Uygur NGO1 leader and United States Commission on International Religious Freedom [USCIRF] appointee Nury Turkel’s “human rights” driven “moral imperative” in the lead-up to the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, its manifestation during the Olympics in IPAC (2022) and Murphy, et.al (2022) re-directed its focus, now integrating George Soros’ Open Society Foundation’s [OSF] stated objective of “strategic human rights litigation and impact investing” (OSF, 2022) in the leadup to the 20th National CPC Congress. “Human Rights” law for the US thus is merely a tool for investment speculators: to destabilize China’s economy (specifically the BRI) by strategic “human rights” based legal imperatives to impact economic outcomes in favor of its sponsors. By contrast, on meeting UN Human Rights Commissioner Michelle Bachelet during her visit to XUAR, China’s Xi Jinping positioned a “people first” definition of human rights, evidenced by China’s successful poverty alleviation and modeled on a principle of international sustainability: authentically humanist.
Indeed, IPAC (2022) simultaneously advocated World Bank President David Malpass terminate IMF financial involvement in vital XUAR BRI infrastructure on the basis of the “forced labor in Xinjiang” network of XUAR companies delineated in Murphy, et.al (2022). In response to Russia’s military operation in Ukraine, on 2022/03/12 Goldman-Sachs announced its withdrawal from financial involvement in Russia’s economy. With the US mid-term elections to take place following the 20th National CPC Congress, “forced labor in Xinjiang” was being platformed as the justification for similar disengagement from the “(international) rules-based order” of China as a “push back” against an “authoritarian” CPC and an “aggressive” Xi Jinping, commencing with dismantling the vital BRI infrastructure in XUAR (“forced labor in Xinjiang”) held to sustain an ongoing “genocide” and simultaneously coalescing on the consequent threat of “invasion” posed to Taiwan.
This strategy re-situated Turkel’s “human rights” qualification of the “forced labor in Xinjiang” narrative within a Capitalist investment/speculation agenda to sustain the “(international) rules-based order”, advocating punitive economic sanctions against China over its presence in “global supply chains”, beginning with that comprised by the “forced labor in Xinjiang” BRI infrastructure. In IPAC (2022)’s pre-supposition of the moral superiority of US exceptionalism (and the “human rights” epistemic it is founded on), China’s land reform, poverty alleviation and transformation-through-education policy infrastructure in XUAR under Xi Jinping since 2017 was - as in conceptualization inherently anathema to the Capitalist neo-Liberal “(international) rules-based order” - designated “forced labor”. This, as a rhetorical construct, implied systemic “human rights abuse” (“forced labor” = “modern (human) slavery”) and methodologized “genocide”. Hence, “forced labor in Xinjiang” was strategically thus established as the basis for a political platform intent on dismantling international funding by the World Bank through the IMF to China’s vital BRI infrastructure in XUAR ahead of the 20th National Party Congress on the basis of it being the (analogous) methodological implementation of “genocide”. Although its ideological underpinning rest on the Uygur NGO platform, its target is the 20th National CPC Party Congress determining the status of Xi Jinping’s continuing leadership.
This was stated directly in an anonymously authored strategy paper by The Atlantic Council, supporters of IPAC (2022):
“The single most important challenge facing the United States in the twenty-first century is the rise of an increasingly authoritarian China under President and General Secretary Xi Jinping... US strategy must remain laser focused on Xi, his inner circle, and the Chinese political context in which they rule. Changing their decision-making will require understanding, operating within, and changing their political and strategic paradigm (italics added). All US policy aimed at altering China’s behaviour should revolve around this fact, or it is likely to prove ineffectual” (Anon, 2021).
Anon (2021)’s “single most important” intention - platformed by Soros via OSF in a televised statement suring the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics - is thus to influence CPC decision-making ahead of the 20th National CPC Congress: to anchor in “strategic human right litigiation” the OSF, US NED and Taiwan Foundation for Democracy objectives underlying their sponsorship of IPAC - and the new “authoritarianism” discourse (now equating China and Russia) - to facilitate “financial decoupling” from China (after the sanctions imposed on Russia following their 2022/02/24 military operation in Ukraine) so as to impact investment. This position is sustained by the “forced labor in Xinjiang” narrative as mythologized in “genocide games” discourse as emerging during the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics in a wave of anti-China propaganda. Underlying this: during the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, Western MSM discourse on “forced labor in Xinjiang” systematically jettisoned the “suspected” qualifier of IPAC (2022) to assert the definitive “genocide”, pre-supposing its proven intention, on the basis of the analogy to the 1936 Berlin Olympics long advanced by USCIRF commissioner Turkel, under-pinned by his biased historiographic revisionism.
To the point is not “human rights abuse” but the abuse of “human rights”: specifically Soros’ OSF goal in partnering with the NED and the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy to launch IPAC (2020) with the stated objective of “strategic human rights litigation and impact investing”. Complacent collusion in this by NGOs Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International as exposed by James (2022 [ii]) has made a mockery of the concept of “human rights”. The obstacle is not China’s imposition of restrictions on Bachelet, it is the NED backed Uygur NGO narrative disseminated during the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics’ “genocide games” platforming which laid the foundation for economic cold warfare against China: to precipitate a potential economic crisis hinging upon the dismantling of BRI infrastructure in XUAR (and global Magnitsky Act sanctioning of involved CPC officials) in order not to prevent any “genocide” but to sustain the US unipolar hegemonic apparatus of the “(international) rules-based order”.
And as to how many Uygurs are in XUAR “concentration camps”: there is a scene in John Frankenheimer’s classic 1962 political satire The Manchurian Candidate where a gormless US senator who has been spouting misleading figures concerning the number of communists in the US Defense Department asks the source of this information - his controller / wife (the brilliant Angela Lansbury) - if he can just have “one simple number” to use at press conferences. Bemused by the American dotard, Lansbury states that:
“What are they writing about all over this country and what are they saying? Are they saying ‘are there any communists in the Defense Department?’ Of course not. They’re saying ‘how many communists are there in the defense department’” (TMC 1962: as extracted for YouTube by Amalia H. 2016)
So too, the rhetorical smoke and mirrors of “genocide games” discourse has obscured the questionable validity of the premise to begin with, preventing any critical enquiry into the historical and historiographic revisionism underlying it from its outset. Perhaps the NED funded Uygur NGO diaspora know this and, as Grey (2022 [ii]) suggested, are preparing in advance with predictable efforts to discredit what they know would comprehensibly disprove their narrative and the US State Department position which hinges upon it. From the evidence so far, Bachelet is navigating her way to real XUAR through these rhetorical smoke and mirrors.
FULL PAPER IS TEMPORARILY AVAILABLE ON ACADEMIA.EDU HERE
REFERENCES
Anon. (2021). The Longer Telegram: Towards a New American China Strategy. Atlantic Council. retrieved on 2022/03/24 from https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/The-Longer-Telegram-Toward-A-New-American-China-Strategy.pdf
Grey, J. (2022 [ii]). UN High Commissioner visits Xinjiang: will Michele Bachelet’s reputation survive the trip? YouTube.com (Jerry’s Take on China). retrieved on 2022/05/21
IPAC (2022). International lawmakers pile pressure on World Bank as investments in Uyghur forced labour exposed. IPAC Global. retrieved on 2022/03/28 from https://ipac.global/international-lawmakers-pile-pressure-on-world-bank-as-investments-in-uyghur-forced-labour-exposed/
James, J. (2022 [ii]). Amnesty International & Human Rights Watch’s Forced Xinjiang Labour Claims: Junk Research or Noble Cause Corruption? Co-West-Pro. retrieved on 2022/05/16 from http://www.cowestpro.co/uploads/1/9/9/7/19974045/cowestpro_2-2022_.pdf
Murphy, LT. et.al (2022). Financing & genocide: Development finance and the crisis in the Uyghur Region. Atlantic Council. retrieved on 2022/03/28 from https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/in-depth-research-reports/report/financing-and-genocide/
OSF (2022). How we work. opensocietyfoundations.org. retrieved on 2022/03/08 from https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/how-we-work
UHRP was one of four Uygur NGOs funded by the US National Endowment for Democracy [NED] (in a total of US$8,758,300 awarded to Uygur groups since 2004) - alongside the World Uyghur Congress [WUC], Campaign for Uyghurs and the Uyghur (Transitional) Database Project - that, as “NED grantees”, had consultative policy input, their anti-China, pro-separatist confirmation bias hence informing the eventual US Congressional approval of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act of 2020 (NED, 2020). Through his new position as USCIRF, Turkel (who had founded UHRP) additionally coordinates the Xinjiang Database Project in collaboration with the Australian Strategic Policy Institute [ASPI].